Introduction

The overriding aim of this research is to make obvious some of the problems, challenges, and dilemmas that may be encountered following the incursion of technology into spirituality in the case of computerized Ifá divination. In other words, the technological and moral issues generated by the use of computerized Ifá divination, which are yet to gain any serious scholarly attention, is the primary concern of this research. Rather than recognizing the problem and offering suggestions, this study articulates the problems and challenges with the intention of bringing awareness to some of the issues related to the belief that one can self-conduct Ifá divination via gadgets like smartphones and computers. The problems recognized in digitized Ifá divination were informed by interviews conducted with some Ifá priests in different states in southwest Nigeria. The research questions were developed around three broad research interests that culminate in the dilemmas the present research wishes to study using data:

1. Whether to embrace automated divination amidst the potential climate of misuse, abuse, or underuse of the Ifá corpus

2. Whether to accept computerized divination or risk devaluing its rich spiritual and faith-based recommendations for purposeful living when the use of algorithms takes over making decisions about people’s lives

3. Whether the cultural knowledge of the Ifá corpus should be made publicly available through digital applications or the embedded knowledge and spirituality of Ifá and its processes be allowed to remain without technological revolution in order to preserve source originality, epistemic certainty, and faith fidelity in the divination system.

The question of digitized Ifá divination in itself is not a new one. Scholars have examined it from different perspectives. However, it is still of interest to find out how it differs from the traditional mode of divination as well as what it seeks to attain. This article is divided into five sections. The first is concerned with the nature of computerized Ifá divination and the moral and technological dilemmas it has generated that led to this research. The second details the methodology used in generating the research data. The third section presents the findings and unpacks the responses generated from the field research. It also discloses the relevant codes and themes deduced from the data in order to see how they shed light on the dilemmas that initiated this research in the first place. The fourth section provides our critical analysis. This section rigorously situates our responses within the three dilemmas and analyzes the implications they portend for whomever wishes to entertain the practice of computerized Ifá divination. The fifth section concludes the article by bringing together all the arguments.

Computerized Ifá Divination with Its Dilemmas

Computerized Ifá divination is generally understood as a key route to gaining insights from Ọ̀rúnmìlà, the Yorùbá divinity of wisdom (Balogun and Fayemi 2008). The digitization of the Ifá corpus aims to attain a rare feat—the practice of divination in the comfort of one’s home or at one’s convenience without the assistance of the human mediator, the Ifá diviner. Digitization comes in different forms such as Android and iPhone applications, which are available for free and, in some circumstances, for purchase before they can be used. Digitization makes Ifá divination available, at the fingertips of anyone who uses it, to engage in the practice of divination. Usually the relevant Odùs (chapters of the Ifá) are already stored in the application and become accessible once the right procedures and instructions reinforced by coding have been followed by the user.¹ Of course, the ability to undertake self-divination takes away the monopoly of knowledge from Ifá priests. Through digitization, it may also be possible to increase the knowledge of the Ifá, since Ifá priests will no longer be required to memorize the chapters; instead, chapters may be confirmed from the screen of a computer or smartphone. In a way, digitization brings some form of checks and balances to the excesses—or, in some situations, the incompetence—of an Ifá priest. In spite of these promises that computerized Ifá divination presents, it is important to point out that there are moral, spiritual, and economic issues that encompass the practice.

One of the most emphasized aspects during the preliminary fieldwork of this research was that the technology is not potent enough to replace diviners and is culpable or limited on several fronts. Also emphasized was the presence of quacks who are in the divination business for financial gains via swaying and misleading clients.

It is not a matter of debate that the divination process entails three profound parts. The first is the manipulation of divination tools to arrive at some random sequence. The second is the chanting of relevant verses, and the third is an interactive exchange between the diviner and the client (Bascom 1969). The first part determines the other stages. Once the first part is faulty, which is possible due to human limitations, the other parts become problematic, cumbersome, and even misleading. Before discussing how the digitization of the Ifá may influence these parts of Ifá divination, it is pertinent to offer a few comments on the rituals of Ifá divination. This is crucial since the Ifá influences the daily life of its practitioners; with technology serving as the principal mediator of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, there is no doubt the rituals and practice of the Ifá will be affected.

Traditionally, practitioners perceive the Ifá as “the word of divination which issues from the mouth of Ọrúnmìlà” (Abimbola 1976, 3). It is within this context that William R. Bascom (1969, 14) offers that “the word Ifá is used to mean both the system of divination and the deity who controls it; and this deity is known also as Ọrúnmìlà.” It is obvious Ifá and Ọrúnmìlà are used as though they are synonymous (Balogun and Fayemi 2008, 377). More so, there is a general understanding among practitioners that the Ifá itself contains the indigenous accounts of Yorùbá cosmology, ontology, and cosmogony (Ofuasia 2023). These are recorded in chapters usually called Odù. Practitioners also attest to the fact that the corpus boasts sixteen principal chapters known as Ojú Odù in addition to another 240 minor chapters, popularly called Ọmọ Odù. This brings the total number of cantos to 256 (Ofuasia 2024). Practitioners maintain that the sixteen Ojú Odù correspond to the first sixteen disciples of Ọrúnmìlà. Later on, these sixteen also had their own disciples, hence the 240 Ọmọ Odù (Dasaolu, Ofuasia, and Oladipupo 2023).

Although there are no physical texts wherein all the verses of each of the 256 chapters are documented, these are usually memorized by diviners, who chant them once they encounter the signature of any of them during divination. These verses are usually an admixture of poetry and prose, as they detail stories in a poetic form. This is why Sophie Oluwole (1996, 3) maintains that the verses are “poetry intermittent with prose.”

As rightfully noted by Olufemi Taiwo (2004), the practices of Ifá have succeeded in influencing people’s views about life, as they do not hesitate to consult Ifá with the assurance that it can solve or help them understand their perplexity as well as how to emerge from it. However, even when persons have a wish to “interact” with this deity through divination, there is no direct link between the supplicant and the deity but an interposer (Ofuasia et al. 2021). This interposer is the babaláwo (a male Ifá priest) or ìyanifá (a female Ifá priestess). This is the dominant structure of Ifá dídá (casting Ifá).

Among practitioners, various factors can contribute to the desire for Ifá divination, for example when one seeks guidance to start a new venture or go on a long journey (Ofuasia and Ibiyemi 2024). More so, Ifá’s opinion is sought when things are not going or when one is diagnosed with an illness that has rendered several treatment alternatives otiose (Akin-Otiko 2018). While there are innumerable factors that could instigate Ifá dídá, clients definitely visit the Ifá priest/priestess when a new baby is born (Taiwo 2004, 306). This is because they would like to “know what the child’s path through life might be” (Taiwo 2004, 306). This is called àkọsẹ̀jàyé among the Yorùbá.

Furthermore, practitioners maintain that divination may be conducted not only for different reasons but for different groups of people (Ofuasia et al. 2021). There is Ifá ẹni, divination for a specific individual. On other occasions, there is Ifá ẹgbẹ (divination for a society or club); Ifá ọ̀gbà (divination for an age grade); and Ifá ìlú (divination for a town, nation, or country). There is also Ifá ipò (divination for a public official) (Taiwo 2004, 305–6). These are the most common cadres of Ifá dídá. The traditional practices of Ifá divination have been well summarized by ’Wande Abimbola (1977, 9):

When the client enters the house of the Ifá priest, he salutes him and expresses a wish to “talk with the divinity.” The Ifá priest then takes out his divining chain and lays it on a mat or a raffia tray in front of the client. The client whispers his problem to a coin or a cowry shell and drops it on the Ifá instruments. Alternatively, the client could pick up the divining chain or the ìbò and whisper his problem to it directly. In either case, it is believed that the wishes of the client’s Orí (God of predestination who knows what is good for every person) have been communicated to Ifá who will then produce the appropriate answer through the first Odù which the Ifá priest will cast when he manipulates his divining chain.

Following the manipulation of the divination chain, a signature from any of the 256 chapters or Odùs is revealed. As soon as this occurs, the diviner “begins to chant verses from the Odù which he has seen while the client watches and listens. The priest chants as many poems as he knows from that Odù until he chants a poem which tells a story containing a problem similar to the client’s own problem. At that stage, the client stops him and asks for further explanation of that particular poem” (Abimbola 1977, 9–10). As a way of ascertaining if the story and the deductions from it are apposite for the client, the ìbò comes enters the fray. Emmanuel Ofuasia (2019, 336) defines the ìbò as a crucial divination apparatus made up “of a piece of bone, which stands for ‘no’ and two cowries tied together, which symbolize ‘yes.’”

Upon the conclusion of the divination, most times, sacrifices are usually recommended, usually animal sacrifice (see Abimbola 1977). Whether or not the use of these nonhuman animals for sacrifice in Ifá is morally justified has already been given serious consideration by Ofuasia (2018), and we shall not exert further effort on this since it does not have a direct impact on the present inquiry. Nevertheless, it is crucial to understand that the significance of sacrifice goes beyond bloodspilling. Maulana Karenga (1999, ix) reiterates that Ifá “calls one’s ritual performance useless, invalid or in vain if one’s character is deficient.” This means that in most cases or instances, the individual’s problems may only require a change to positive agency and character. Perhaps this informs the passing of Ifá as a philosophy hinged on positive character building for agency in the works of Nicholaj de Mattos Frisvold (2016) and Ofuasia (2018).

The description of the traditional sequence of Ifá divination given here is a mere scratch of the surface. We have offered a cursory overview of how Ifá divination works for the sake of the present inquiry. From the exploration undertaken thus far, the three core aspects of divination hinted at earlier have been described: (1) the manipulation of divination tools for a signature; (2) the chanting of the verses from the signature; and finally (3) the quest for solution between the diviner and the client, which is usually a collaborative venture.

In the digital age of the twenty-first century, where technology impacts nearly all parts of human living, it is doubtful whether these three aspects of divination technology can successfully mediate the spiritual yearnings of diviners and clients of Ifá. For the first part of the divination process, which involves random sequencing, there is no doubt digitization can assist practitioners with better precision and save time. However, even while this study hypothesizes that digitized Ifá divination of the entire 256 Ifá corpus signatures will provide a better, more reliable, and quicker personal interpretation of the body of knowledge, it is a challenge for technology to mediate aspects (2) and (3) for practitioners of Ifá.

One of the challenges computerized Ifá divination presents is its seeming capacity to replace the traditional role of the babaláwo/ìyanifá (male/female Ifá diviners) in the triad communication comprising them, the client, and Ọ̀rúnmìlà, the Yorùbá deity of wisdom and hidden phenomena. This research critically considers, based on empirical data, where spirituality and technology intertwine as well as how the moral dilemmas generated may be addressed. In other words, it forays into the moral challenges occasioned by the digitization of the Ifá corpus with some pertinent suggestions for how they can be addressed.

Previously, some works have considered the reliability of computerized Ifá divination. Professor Danoye Laguda, an academic professor of Ifá studies insists that some aspects of divination will be vitiated by smart phones, which may upset the effectiveness and reliability of divination.² One of the preliminary findings that commands further investigation is related to the moral dilemmas that surface in the attempt to coalesce technologically driven Ifá divination and the ingenuities of the babaláwo/ìyanifá. If computerized Ifá divination gains general approval, what moral duties do diviners owe clients concerning where and how to get ingredients for sacrifice or overseeing sacrifice? It is also worth considering the question of copyright. The knowledge of Ifá is a product of the global South. With the advent of computerized Ifá divination, wherein it is possible to have over 256 signatures of the corpus, it needs to be questioned if the sale of the application to iPhone users at US$5 can ever be justified, morally speaking.³ Who really owns the knowledge? Does it continue to be the exclusive intellectual property of Ọ̀rúnmìlà and his 256 “disciples,” or has the right to ownership passed to the developers of the application? Since revenue will have been generated from purchases of this application, are these developers morally justified to keep the entire sum? These are some of the moral dilemmas generated by the practice of computerized Ifá divination.

At this juncture, it needs to be mentioned that Ifá divination, a practice found in Yorùbá society, is not limited to southwest Nigeria; it happens in the diaspora as well (Ofuasia 2019). It is a universal practice whose effectiveness is not limited by the social class or citizenship of babaláwo/ìyanifá or their clients. This is in line with the research of Olufemi Taiwo (2014, 305), who relays that the babaláwo/ìyanifá does not demand a client be an Ifá initiate “before, during, or after consultation.” Yet, this does not mitigate the genuineness of divination.

Incidentally, technology is also universal. So, the crucial questions that inspire this research, then, are: Can technology, being a universal reality, with Ifá divination also being universal, extinguish the role of the babaláwo/ìyanifá without affecting the effectiveness of divination? What are the moral implications? Several professors/academic authorities of Ifá and local practitioners, during the preliminary assessments of this research, seem to maintain that technology can vitiate the originality and efficacy of divination. They also seem to hold the position that diviners may decide to hold back vital information in order to show that technology cannot substitute them. The outright consequence of this will be borne by the clients. Are these diviners under any moral obligation to not act thus?

For the local babaláwo/ìyanifá especially, digitized Ifá divination appears to be a shock, an aberration that necessarily questions the authenticity and veracity of Ọ̀rúnmìlà’s “revelations” through the diviner. What is, however, unknown to the general public is that attempts at technological interventions for Ifá divination have been a serious affair in the Americas. The renowned African historian Toyin Falola (2018, 919) validates this: “As far back as the 1990s, Oba Pichardo and his Lukumi collaborators in Miami (FL) were able to write codes that allowed them conduct computer-based Ifá divination.” This implies that the computerized divination that has surfaced in recent times underwent numerous modifications and revisions before it was finally available as an app for smartphones and tablets in Android and Apple stores.

It is of utmost importance and urgency to enquire whether or not digitized Ifá divination, in spite of its promises and ability to provide a check on some of the excesses and gridlocks peculiar to traditional Ifá divination, is not in itself flawed and limited. This is the principal motivation that informed the present research to move into the field and engage in a series of interviews with seven Ifá priests in order to ascertain their receptions of computerized Ifá divination. The methodology and their responses to questions posed to them during the interviews are described in the next two sections.

Methodology

As multidisciplinary research that straddles the humanities and the social sciences, the method adopted in this study is primarily qualitative. The primary qualitative approach used for this research relies on thematic analysis. The structured interviews with the Ifá priests are coded along the three themes that also inform the dilemmas. Similarly, according to the framework, there are three research approaches: deductive, inductive, and abductive research. Deductive research is appropriate for this project because it is typically employed when there is a clearly defined objective and outcome. There is consequently less room for speculation in the research process because it relies on existing theories to generate new insights (Creswell and Creswell 2017; Taherdoost 2022). There are three dilemmas the research wishes to study via thematic analysis:

D₁: How to deal with the breakthrough of computerized Ifá divination in a climate of misuse

D₂: If computerized Ifá divination can handle the spiritual dimension of Ifá divination

D₃: If the knowledge of Ifá should be made publicly available through digital applications.

Following due process of informed consent and full disclosure about the study to the respondents, there is audiovisual documentation of the interviews. The selection of respondents was done through purposive sampling. The inclusion and exclusion criteria for the purposive sampling technique are laid out in Table 1.

Seven priests who qualified were engaged in in-depth, structured interviews on the research’s subject matter. Table 2 indicates the interview questions.

All ethical considerations related to the use of real names and not pseudonyms, permission to be cited, as well as informed consent on the part of the diviners to use their responses strictly for research purposes were addressed as they signed a consent form. Those who participated and affirmed their willingness to be associated with the entire research process, in the order the interviews were conducted, are: (1) Áwo Sonora Ifaniyi of Ikenne, Sagamu; (2) Chief Ifalere Odegbola of Ibadan; (3) Áwo Ifalere Ifakunle of Ibadan; (4) Áwo Adeyosoye Oyelade of Osogbo; (5) Chief Owolabi Awodotun of Ile-Ife; (6) Chief Kolawole Dosunmu of Sagamu; and (7) Áwo Semiu Akinbode Sokunbi of Lagos.

Findings

In this section, extracts from interviewee responses are provided in relation to the three themes or dilemmas that inform this research. Links to videos of the interviews are given in the endnotes. Of the seven sessions, only two are elaborated on here. The next section addresses all of the sessions. The choice to focus on two here is because, upon a careful analysis of the feedback of each of the seven interviewees, two standpoints were easily noticed. On the one hand, there are apologists endorsing computerized Ifá divination, albeit with the caution that it will improve going forward and makes divination easier but cannot be done without the Ifá priests in its modus operandi. Those who take this stance are Áwo Sonora Ifaniyi, Chief Kolawole Dosunmu of Sagamu, Áwo Semiu Akinbode Sokunbi of Lagos, Chief Ifalere Odegbola of Ibadan, and Áwo Ifalere Ifakunle of Ibadan. Some of them, specifically Chief Ifalere Odegbola and Áwo Ifalere Ifakunle, attested to how technology, through applications such as WhatsApp, has allowed them to engage in divination and ritual practices virtually with clients in Europe and the Americas. Although they did not say the same thing verbatim, what is of interest here is that what they said falls within a similar theme of analysis.

On the other extreme, there are the polemicists/radicals who detest computerized Ifá divination as nothing but vitiation of Yorùbá religion and spirituality. Two Ifá priests fall into this category: Áwo Adeyosoye Oyelade of Osogbo and Chief Owolabi Awodotun of Ile-Ife.

Table 3 presents the responses from the interactive session with Áwo Sonora Ifaniyi, an Ifá priest who resides in Ikenne, Ogun State, Nigeria. Whereas the full version of the session with him is available on YouTube,⁴ the table indicates the relevant excerpts in relation to the questions posed as a paradigm for the set of apologist diviners who are somewhat sympathetic to computerized Ifá divination.

What needs to be understood from Table 3 is that it does not substitute for the reflections of the other priests who fall into the category of apologists. What is of interest here is that he shares, along with them, the general outlook that computerized Ifá divination is a welcome development for understanding Ọ̀rúnmìlà both in Africa and beyond.

For the position of the polemicist, Chief Owolabi Awodotun⁵ of Ile-Ife is used to show what is displeasing about the prospects of computerized Ifá divination (see Table 4).

Critical Analysis

Concerning the first question, all the diviners interviewed affirmed their awareness of Ifá divination via smartphones and computers.⁶ This shows that these traditional diviners are one way or the other aware of how technology is beginning to inform the modus operandi of their craft. When they answered the second question pertaining to whether the emergence of computers for divination can replace or even sweep the traditional diviners out of business, all of them unanimously affirmed that such a feat is not possible. Specifically, Chief Owolabi Awodotun, a prominent and influential Ifá priest in Ile-Ife, Osun State, said: “It is not possible to take their places. The reason being that even the Bible and Al-Qur’ān are also available online as technological gadgets. There is something called theory and practice. Having Ifá on technological gadgets is physical. It does not go with spiritual aspect of reality. You do not compare death with sleep. They are miles apart.”⁷

The common denominator among all of diviners interviewed is their emphasis on the limitations of computers and smartphones employed for divination to cater for the non-physical aspects and demands of Ifá divination. Chief Owolabi Awodotun and Chief Ifalere Odegbola both admitted that there are aspects—such as the purchase of the ingredients for sacrifice, how the sacrifice will be prepared, and where it will be placed for spiritual significance—that they do not believe can be ascertained by the Ifá Android or Apple application. They maintain that the application cannot indicate where some germane and effective charms and herbs for use can be acquired.

Again, when it comes to the memorization and chanting of Ifá verses, all of the interviewees unanimously concur that this is better rather than having these verses stored away on a computer hard drive and retrieved only when an Odù signature appears. As a way of buttressing the efficacy of memorization and chanting over textual storage, Áwo Sonora Ifaniyi explained that there are some herbal mixtures usually given to Ifá apprentices from an early age that not only enhance their memorization but afford them ase (a form of commanding force following incantations) to make words that are spoken or chanted carry spiritual efficacy.

On the subject of a faster and time-saving process of divination, the diviners are ambivalent. In other words, they do not share the same outlook they had relative to the first three interview questions. For instance, Chief Ifalere Odegbola, who is optimistic, provided his rationale on the grounds that “[i]t will make it easier. Especially for some who are abroad. When they send money, we gather all the ingredients of the sacrifice, we then interact with such persons on video calls. We shall bless him and he will affirm the blessings. You can see this is an aspect that computer has done.”⁸

A similar stance holds for Áwo Ifalere Ifakunle, who hinted at the capacity for divination to be conducted effortlessly via computers irrespective of time and location. On the other hand, Chief Owolabi Awodotun affirmed that such an approach to divination is not about time-saving and efficiency. According to him: “You will have more frauds and charlatans. Even when it had not been computerized, quack diviners are everywhere. The end product will be more fraudulent diviners. Some will not learn Ifá. There are some that will bring traditional gadgets for public display when they know nothing of it. They will use it to deceive.”⁹

The interview question pertaining to time and efficiency is closely related to the question of whether or not computerized divination may be able to eradicate quack diviners, since the seekers can now affirm, through their computers, whether the correct Ifá verses are being chanted, or can even perform Ifá divination individually via their smartphones after seeing a diviner. Here, all of the interviewees provided a univocal answer—they seem certain that rather than checking quackery, Ifá divination via computers and smartphones will escalate it.

Since the priests interviewed have not directly engaged with divination via smartphones, they were asked if they saw themselves enhancing their divination crafts via this technology. Some were receptive, whereas others opposed it. Chief Awodotun explained his take: “It is one thing to showcase African traditional religion in positive light. The tendency to search for Ifá and get some ideas on it is an advantage. However, it is not possible for me because of the spiritual aspects.” Others who are mostly in the apologist cadre, such as Áwo Sonora Ifaniyi, Chief Ifalere Odegbola, Áwo Ifalere Ifakunle, Áwo Ifaniyi Ifalola, and Áwo Semiu Akinbode Sokunbi, declared their willingness to embrace the technology, albeit as a supplement to standard or traditional practices of divination.

Another interesting question is that of copyright. Who owns the copyright if the Ifá verses are transferred into an application to be purchased from the Apple and Android application stores? The interviewees provided divergent response here. Chief Awodotun, the foremost polemicist, was most critical, calling out the developers of the application as fraudsters to be legally confronted: “It is a profit-making venture. The developers are fraudulent. Yes . . . They want to take Ọ̀rúnmìlà’s intellectual property for themselves and make financial gains from same. It is something that serious measures must be taken to stop the practice. From whom did they receive license? Is it possible for them to do anything of such with ideas of Muslims and Christians without license? It is possible that they stumble upon wealth, and they can be sued.”¹⁰

The other priests who fall into the class of apologists were not so critical. Most of them retain their assurance that it is not possible to take away Ọ̀rúnmìlà’s credit or copyright through the development of applications for Ifá divination. The argument is that what can be stored on the computer is meager and cannot constitute a case of plagiarism. This approach was provided by Chief Kolawole Dosunmu: “The wisdom in Ifá is vast. The limitations of computerized divination cannot be improvised. Aside from the contents uploaded by the application developers, there are even more ideas of Ifá. So, it is only few ideas of Ọ̀rúnmìlà that the application developers are able to put in their applications.”¹¹ This was the understanding provided by nearly all the other priests who answered this question.

There are, however, those among them who expressed their dissatisfaction with the technology and vowed to not provide any form of assistance to whomever came to them only after practicing divination via the computer. Again, Chief Awodotun took a critical stance: “That person is a thief! If the person comes to me I will lay a curse on him/her. You did not learn Ifá. You did not learn anything. You started computerized Ifá divination. That is the character of a fraudster. Do you understand that? S/he does not deserve pity or assistance.”¹²

However, Chief Odegbola was sympathetic: “It is the person who seeks help that we provide help to. However, we need to first of all know the motive of the person.” The same stance was also presented by Áwo Sonora Ifaniyi and Áwo Semiu Akinbode Sokunbi. They both affirmed that their vow as an áwo is to provide assistance to whomever comes to them, since this is the “command” they follow as Ifá practitioners. They also revealed their willingness to not withhold any information from their clients that the smartphones ought to have provided. They made this resolution because they are confident that whatever technological gadgets such as smartphones used for Ifá can provide, it is always limited and cannot beat the traditional approach. None of the Ifá priests were, however, shy about the fact that the traditional dimension of divination is full of quacks and impersonating diviners, but with the advent of a technologically driven dimension, the quackery will surge.

Having expressed the aggregate of the Ifá priests who were interviewed, we now return to the three dilemmas mentioned at the beginning of this article. Concerning the first dilemma—(D₁), whether to embrace automated divination amidst the potential climate of misuse, abuse, or underuse of the Ifá corpus—it is clear that the priests have adopted a cautious stance. They cited the impossibility of computerized Ifá to replace traditional diviners or even provide further guidance on how to proceed and engage with post-divination efforts. They also bemoaned the impossibility of the storage systems of computers to have more verses of the Ifá corpus than those memorized by the diviners. The lack of ase for those verses stored on the application was also mentioned as one of the reasons why it is not possible to simply embrace the technology without second thought. On a general note, however, it is safe to say that all of the interviewees still maintained that traditional Ifá divination overrides computerized Ifá divination.

The response to the second dilemma—(D₂), whether to accept computerized divination or risk devaluing its rich spiritual and faith-based recommendations for purposeful living when the use of algorithms takes over in making decisions about people’s lives—is also implied in the foregoing. Most of the interviewees attested that computerized Ifá divination diminishes the spiritual significance of Ifá, as it is severely limited in this arena. This is the case when one recalls the paradoxical question provided by Áwo Ifalere Ifakunle: “When you have divined on computer, who will supervise the sacrifice?”¹³ Clearly, the application will not relay where to get the right ingredients for sacrifice, since there are also fake or quack dealers here too. Even if one admits for the sake of argument that it does this, the question of original and effective ingredients may not be disclosed. If the application recommends the use of a particular leaf or root as part of sacrifice, does the user of the application who is a rookie and not versed in Ifá and related practice know how to locate it? None of these comments are meant to vitiate the relevance of computerized Ifá divination, since it can actually bring to the awareness of the public that the process is not diabolic and esoteric, as generally believed. This is one great advantage computerized divination has, since it can portray African spirituality in a positive light. This response also extends to the third dilemma—(D₃), whether the esoteric and cultural knowledge of the Ifá corpus should be made publicly available through digital applications or the embedded knowledge and spirituality of Ifá and its processes be allowed to remain without technological revolution. From the analysis undertaken thus far, one of the places of agreement among the interviewees regarding the second dilemma concerns the fact that Ifá’s spirituality cannot be properly captured by technology.

Following the discussion undertaken thus far, it is not misplaced for a critic to counter the conclusion as being too hasty, since the sample population is small compared to the vast numbers of Ifá practitioners both in Nigeria and beyond. On the one hand, this may seem a valid objection. A deeper assessment reveals some important details. The inclusion/exclusion criteria used in the methodology for purposive sampling were central to the number of Ifá priests that qualified as respondents. For instance, what is the value of engaging five hundred or five thousand Ifá priests in a structured interview when they are not familiar with computerized Ifá divination or lack adequate experience in the craft? Whereas future research may engage further on the subject, the present analysis has been based on a first piece of field research to garner the position of Ifá diviners on the moral and technological dilemmas generated by computerized Ifá divination. The suggestion of this study is that further assessments and research are necessary in places where Ifá divination is done. Specifically, there are reports that Ifá divination is practiced in Benin Republic and Togo (see Ofuasia 2019). In the Americas, it has been reported that Ifá divination is conducted in countries like Cuba, Brazil, Puerto Rico, Trinidad and Tobago, Mexico, and Peru (see Falola 2018). This research therefore admits that the number of diviners assessed is too small to make a conclusive point concerning the intersection between technology and spirituality, and it is hoped that other researchers will take up the gauntlet and explore the perceptions of computerized Ifá divination in places other than southwest Nigeria.

Conclusion

This article offers a critical inquiry into the possible moral and technological issues that the emergence of computerized Ifá divination presents. We undertook fieldwork using primarily qualitative methodology, wherein thematic analysis and a deductive approach were employed. The study shows that Ifá priests who qualified as respondents are divided concerning the role computerized Ifá divination can play in its mediation of the process of communication between humans and the divine. Nevertheless, the three dilemmas that invited the need to gather the relevant data have been considered. For (D₁), the priests took a cautious stance. For (D₂), all the diviners affirmed that computerized Ifá divination is limited and cannot cope with the spiritual aspects of Ifá divination. Regarding (D₃), all the diviners affirmed the urgency to make the knowledge of Ifá available to the public in order to diminish or eradicate the general opinion that the craft is necessarily diabolic and evil. The inferences and validations arrived at from this research are not final; it is important to state that they merely invite the need to investigate the topic more deeply. Perhaps this research will serve as a steppingstone for future studies on this subject matter.

Acknowledgments

The funding to undertake this research was provided through the generous support of Lagos-African Cluster Centre (L-ACC), Institute of African and Diaspora Studies, University of Lagos, Lagos, with grant number EXC2052/1-390713894/LACC 005. The inferences and arguments made in this article are the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the funding organization. We are also immensely grateful to the two anonymous reviewers for the rigorous assessments, kind words, and constructive criticisms that eventually contributed to the quality of this article.